Revolutionary Age Vol. I #19 Feb 22, 1919

The Revolutionary Age

^_ A Chronicle a^n terpretation_o^lPrn a tinn a l Events

Vol. I, NoJ^ Saturday, February 22, 1919

Price 3 Cents

A Bourgeois on Strikes and Deportations

HE mind of the bourgeois is peculiar. It
perverted thing-. It is the mind of the master—
and the master is an enemy of life and human-

ity

I had an insight into the bourgeois mind the other
jav. I was riding to New York from Boston, and
jn the '■'smoker" a gentleman sitting beside me started
a conversation. He was a clean-cut fellow, very ami-
able and courteous. Doing you a favor — if you were
of Am- class, or he thought yon were— was a pleasure
to him. "Business" was all over his appearance.

The conversation was of a fragmentary character.
He was very emphatic in his opinion that "the only
20od German is a dead German/' very violent and
implacable. He mentioned his wife a number of
times, very beautifully and sympathetically; and in
speaking of his son, who was in France and had been
for one year under fire, a great love welled up in
his heart. His son, it was clear, was a comrade. On
the whole, in spite of his attitude toward the Ger-
mans, a pleasant old gentleman.

Something be said informed me that he was riding
from Lawrence, Mass., to New York, ami that in
a business way he was connected wrfh the textile
mills. Naturally, I steered the conversation to the
strike. Immediately, a completely new man was
shown to me — a man who had ''sympathy'' for a
worker only if that worker was meek and abject; a
man who believed in the most brutal means' to make
the worker "satisfied" with his conditions; a man
who would go the limit in protecting his class inter-
ests.

'There is a great labor unrest." he said. -"The
workers got good wages while the war lasted but
instead of saving it they spent it on drink and other
unnecessary things. They should have known that
the war wouldn't last forever. It is stupid of them
to expect that, now the war is over, they should get
the same high wages. In the Lawrence mills they
made as much as $30 and $40 a week."

% cue was to innocently indicate surprise, and
I asked about the newspaper reports that the strikeis
earned' about $16 a week;.

"The unskilled workers get that." was his answer.

"Are the unskilled in the majority," I asked.

"Yes."

workers earn $30 or $40 a week" —

"The textile
b "t the majority are unskilled, and they earn only
$16 a week. .

The

strikers are pro-German,'' continued the nice

gentlemen. <<I me Kaplan, their leader, was against

- e jraft. He's a bad man and tve're going to deport

■ ( This with absolute assurance, as if he was

l « government: but isn't his class the government?)

Ml f foreign work ers are terribly ignorant. They

al for the Bolshevik stuff. But (exultingly) we're

just deponing 54 of these dangerous agitators, and

We 'I deport

"Thei
th ese deportations.

more.

I suggested.
he answere
Thousands are bei

But even that
prepared tor

- ^ very much," he answered.
Well prevent

^portation, and they will be shipped across the coun-
Q; f ,"!'? 0Ut W'eUy and secretly; no one zvill know
Ik' ab0Ut {t Cxccpt the' '^'eminent, so that

° >e v -' 0n ' i bc ™y agitation about it."

e said this in a (|uiet, unemotional
l °ne, a* if t ]

lil e little

matter-of-fact

'<-' enormity of depriving a man of even

opportunity for defence that the law affords

This labor unrest must be severely dealt with,"
continued my bourgeois companion. f( The I. W. W 's
and the Bolsheviks must be crushed. Haywood is a
dangerous man; he's in jail now and he'll stay there.
Those whom we can't deport well jail."

I asked him whether, in his opinion, the labor un-
rest would last long and whether it would have dan-
gerous consequences.

'No," was his confident answer. "It's a sort of
epidemic and will die out ; it's all over the world. But
we'll wait, and can afford to wait ; and we'll also use
the iron fist. What we need is a State Constabulary
to use during strikes. The police are not enough; but

We'll

Arc You in the Fight?

Three weeks, and the great textile strike in Lawrence,
Mass. is as solid as ever, acquiring new strength and
determination.

The strikers, 30,000 of them, are isolated, opposed
by press and state, having practically no money, but
they are determined to wage the fight to the end.

They are prohibited from holding demonstrations in
the streets by a city government prostituting itself to
the mill barons ; but the strikers fight. They are terror-
ized by the police and their pickets arrested. They are
refused permission to hold mass meetings on the com-
mon by a municipal government determined to crush
the industrial revolt: but the strikers fight. They are
refused satisfaction in the r protest against these out-
rages by the Governor of the State of Massachusetts:
but the strikers fight, fight on and on.

The strikers have practically no money. They are
living— if you can call it living — on short rations; but
starvation does not lessen their determination.

Threats have been made to deport the strike leaders :
the whole 30,000 strikers thereupon made application
for passports for all of them to leave the country. Can
you crush that .-pint?

The men, women and children of the Lawrence mill*
arc maintaining the light Inspired by their courage,
textile workers in other towns are considering a strike —
a general textile strike. A great industrial strike in
all the textile mills seems to- be coming; and this
general strike would flame through the country, in-
spiring action everywhere. That would be a great event.
That would give a mighty onward push to the emanci-
pation of the American working class.

But money is needed. Money is needed to feed the
women and children; money is needed to buy even the
sinal! portion of necessaries required to sustain life.
Money is needed to spread the strike.

Will you help' Now?

Send money to C. STUN, 885 Washington Street,
Boston, Mass.

"■»• <i Hat

1 natural thing.

the Slate Constabulary, with their horses, their shot-
guns and their clubs, can move from place to place
easily anil quickly, and maintain order against strik-
ers and Bolsheviks. We'll get a Constabulary soon.

"Then Samuel Gompers' return will help matters.
Gompers is a very sensible and able man. The union
officials are doing all they can to deal properly with
the employers; in Lawrence they are against the
strike; but Bolshevik agitators are getting the men
against their officials. Gompers will stop this. We
must have conciliation and arbitration, insjtead of
strikes. It was the union officials who prevented a
revolution in Seattle,

"American manufacturers must meet foreign com-
petition, and in order to do this the high wages paid
during the war must come down. Labor must bc reas-
onable, it" Gompers can't make labor reasonable, we'll
do it in our own way.''

I asked him what would be the result of the Law-
rence strike,

"They'll be beaten." he answered confidently.

"They must have the jobs in order to " :
starve them into submission."

Isn't this characteristic? Here is a man, full of
sympathy and courtesy in relation to his own family,
to his own class, with absolutely not a spark of sym-
pathy for the workers; kind toward his own, but
brutal to the workers.

But this is the psychology of the master. The
workers are there, in their opinion, to work and keep
the wheels of industry running ; they are as necessary
as the machine, and just as important — or unimport-
ant. They have no rights. The sense of mastery de-
velops contempt in the master toward those who
work for him ; and contempt becomes brutality.

The bourgeois is a dual personality. They are not
necessarily brutal, as such ; they may have wells of
sympathy and affection for their own; but the men,
women and children of the working class are dirt
under their feet.

Mastery degrades the master and the slave. That
is inevitable. It is a perversion of life, and it perverts
the finest instincts. The gentleman I was conversing
with was not a brute; in fact, he was a fine fellow,
in his way: he was not at all conscious of the brutal-
ity in his altitude toward workers, strikers and agit-
ators.

When will the workers realize this? When will
they realize that under the system of capitalist eco-
nomic mastery they are not humans, but beasts of
burden, machines for the production of profit? They
do not have the opportunity to really live; they live
to work, to make profits. Under Socialism alone will
they work to live, to make joy and happiness for all.

My gentleman acquaintance was wrong. The labor
unrest will not end — it will become stronger and more
general : the workers must and will strike, more and
more; Gompers will not check the revolts of the
workers — Gompers will himself be repudiated; the
masters cannot starve the workers into submission —
the workers are coming to realize that they must
act definitely and finally to become masters of their
own lives by becoming masters of the shops, mills
and mines in which they must work in order to live.

W e are in a revolutionary age ; in an age when
Capitalism is breaking down, and the working class
realizing its enormous power and the necessity for
action. The State Constabulary and deportations
cannot frighten the workers. A club and a gun can-
not purchase food for the workman's family or yield
him joy in life: human needs will prove mightier
than guns and clubs. Deporting men and women
cannot deport their ideas: wherever there are work-
ers, there is oppression ; wherever there is oppres-
sion, there are revolts and strikes; wherever there
are strikes and revolts. Socialism develops, revol-
tionary Socialism. Oppression, strikes and Socialism
are an expression of the human needs of the working
class: and these needs are universal, therefore rev-
olutionary Socialism is universal. Deport every single
agitator and Socialist: and to-morrow, out of life
itself, will develop a host of new agitators and.Social-
ists, tempered and made as steel by the fires of re-
pression.

Capitalism degrades man and perverts life. Lite
itself will conquer Capitalism, life itself will revolt
against the power that stultifies life.

My conversation with the bourgeois gentleman,
in the "smoker" in which were other bourgeois gentle-
men, soldiers and workers, confirmed my faith. It
1- coming! Strikes— more strikes — then the Rev-
olution, and Socialism.

THE REVOLUTIONARY am

e Revolutionary Age

r tin' 1 1 m i i

iiii, (hej 1 1 in to In without popular

Cong:

\ ( in. mm, lc and fun i pretati

■ I lillci ll.Hlnll,!

.1 faith

Louis C. Fraina Editor

Eadmonn NfACAXPINB , . , Associate Editor

Contributing Editors
Scott Mkarinq Lud wig Lose

John Reed Sen Katavama

N. I, ITourwich G. Weinstein

rSSUBD EVERY SATURDAY
By Local Boston, Socialist Party

H. G. Steiner, Business Manager
885 Washington St., Boston, Mass.

them
reflect thai t Ik y - J * ^ io lut!< to in pit •

■ "'Hi. I, n< 1 and di pend altogi tl n 1

i" 1 1 tbli ill ill- ti n In "

1 n< 1 ti .hi I iov< 1 nmi m ha announi < >'
troop . arc io he withdrawn in th« ipt fng
weather w ill permit . in the meantime p
of cii^'iiti i-i . an lent t<, An h ingi I to
di parture.
Still, fighting proceeds against the Si

iel Republtt 1 nil isolated from the world;
il cannol communicate frcelj with thi world, nor
|utr< hasc food and machinery. Is it the pur]
the MJiea to isolate Ru iia, and starve It? Promises
and proclamations arc frequent-^but alien tro
Archangel and Vladivostok !

T

^aies

fin

Bilttdie orders 2d coPy, Subscription $r.oo fo>
six months (26 issues)

We need to have the clear party note sounded
now and our position sharply defined as an un-
compromising revolutionary party if we are to
take and hold our rightful place in the- interna-
tional movement. We hare got to plant our
forty upon the rock if it is not to be swept away
in the oncoming tempest.*—EuGEm V Debs,
February 15, 1919,

A League for Camouflage

'J'lIE draft of the "constitution of the League of
Nations" is ready. The most vital provision of
the "constitution" is that providing that the League
shall have an Executive Council of representatives
from the "Big Five"— the United States, Great Bri-
tain, France, Italy and Japan, The control of the
affairs of the League is in this Executive Council
and litis Council consists of five nations! The "League
of Nations," as projected, follows closely the tendency
of modern trust Capitalism— the "Big Five" hold the
majority stock, while all the other nations who ma)
come m will constitute the minority stockholders. \
League that is controlled by five bin- imperialistic
powers is nut a League of Nations but a League
against the nations. It is an alliance of the vi<
in the war, for world dominion: it is, moreover, a
camouflage to disguise the imperialistic appetites 'of
the powers and to "satisfy" the longings of the
masses, who have bled in the war, for permanent'
peace. It is a deception- and betrayal— Capitalism
can do nothing else but deceive and betray the ma
As against this League against the nation, our for-
mula is: overthrow of Capitalism and Imperialism
as the necessary preliminary to the organization of
a League of Nations through international Commun-
is! Socialism.

Industrial Revolution

J'N mi interview, Mayor Ok Hansen, of Seattle de-
clares that the recent -.tnke of 70,000 workers "was
attempted revolution. . . . The plan was to start
:e and have it spread to other cities,
ipenly and covertly, was for the ovct
industrial system: here first, then L -v« r\ -
Mayor Hansen admits (hat there was no
violence m the strike yet boasts openly of lb,- fad
11,111 machine guns and rifles were m be used bv mc
numicipal government The Seattle strike did not
revolutionize rtic industrial system; but it is an enor-
^ tactor in revolutionizing the consciousness and
-■'lion of the American proletariat. The
<\ apparently, caved in because of the
J 111 "" officials, upon whom the strike was
K aml bccause ls *r ems the workers were not
• Prepared o come to grips with the engiuen of re
!!!,'"" "",";■ , 1CI * ' )owcr ' Um the da: will come
union officials and Fill othet will be

pay will come when the proletariat
fze powei • and then we shall have
. " hl " n, and Sen ialism, fn the in
prcparcl

Uu-

throw
where,

>lt h

tent,

if til

Seattle
betrayal

swept a-i<l<
ij prcparei
the industi
terval

They are Still There!

Our N. E. C.

TH HE National Executive Committee of the So-
*> cialist Party is developing intense resentment
against it among the party members. This resent-
ment is preparing tb hurst forth in a struggre for the
capture of the party for the party, for revolutionary
Socialism.

The armistice and the German Revolution came in
November; great events requiring great action — but
our X', E. C. was dumb and inert. No clear call to
act inn; no call for an immediate emergency National
Convention of the party. The XT. E. C. had neither
initiative nor courage in the great crisis.

Local after local of the party demanded an emer-
gency convention ; but the X. E. C. at its January
on refused to issue the call, and instead issued
a call for an "amnesty convention" in May, together
with bourgeois liberal organizations. The "intent was
dear: to satisfy the membership with a convention,

nd sabotage the call for a party convention,
matters cannot be discussed at this "amnesty con-
vention;" and, moreover, the issue of political pris-
• should he a class and Socialist issue for the
party. We must end the dickering and compromising
with bourgeois liberals, who are potentially counter-
revolutionary. On this head, the Detroit Socialist
Party lias sent the following resolution to the Na-
tional Secretary:

"We, the Executive Committee of Local Wayne
County ("Detroit), at mir regular meeting January 30
mm. protest against the action of the National Exe-
nim, ; Commit ice in calling 1 so-called Convention in
association with reactionary bourgeois organizations of
all kinds, and failing to call a regular Convention, which
"- ■ ■ or.Lr.niK n.r.hTl al this time to thrash oul diffi-
cult arising within our rank- due to the world situa-
tion."

_ Other locals have protested against this "conven-
tion ;" and they have protested, moreover, against
bitary act of the X\ E. C. is designating Algeron
f ee, fohn M Work and fames Oneal to
the party at the Berne Congress, and
eipation in the Berne Congress.

According to our party constitution, the N. E. C,
has nn right to -elect "international delegates." When
the motion m designate delegates was submitted to
the X. E. C. member Katterlield called tiie N E, C.'s
attention to the unconstitutionality of the motion, and
refused to vote. Comrade Katterlield was right; hut
he should have gone a step further, and appealed to
mhership to prevent the N. E. C. from usurp-
ing authority : there must be mass action in the party
''.'.' mi I out re. u-tiini.il v officials.

. The attitude of the X E. ( , is determined by the
fact that the majority of it- members are adherents
oi moderate Socialism, and they are acting to prevent
'lutionary sentiments of the party from con-
the part] They are moderates; thev have
learnt nothing and forgotten nothing-; they are not
in harmonv with the revolutionary ideals and policy
now vitalizing the international movement, fhei arc

medging mir parte to the counter t e\ olut ionar\ Kerne

to the yellov "International "

1 fctivitj in the part) intense revolu
tionary aspirations But ..II this finds
in our X k (
,: impel on the
■ ned

repi<
against parti-

when ll

granted

'-**.', 5*1

influi ni 1 r ** to

not end. " !

ing shoved aside

alter dungs in

for Europe, Pn

"i reconstnii tion up to , two »2

soldi* r

men is 'increasing; g . /Jr**

talk, and cheap and uninten

The Congress of these United States is intellectn
ally, morally and politically b

During the war I
nactty to cope with 1 . -. Je ^

it talked— and held inve
Now that tl
and problem disturbs the world-
bor unrest, of the awakening of the working
Everywhere there is unrest, sir,; .:.:strai

revolts; and all this is •
of Bolshevism- a
revolutionary Socialism This force is
conquer Capitalism, to transform the world
■'■" • '■' ipitalism. 1

r: but is impotent to dea
leal with it, becai nevitaWe ex-

ssion of the collapse of Capital needs

of the working class. So— i

. Tne Senat • nvestigal _

vism. ft is a \

old-wives' myths ir ing

about in th

the Si

ument E

that the Senate l ommittee has h<

that Bi .; vile thinj

people, and the Senators ire equ
-till the Russian peopli
and die to maintain the
own government
much the S<

It iS
ers which in g u:

ity in Russia

It is an ndisputable I

'■Inn in

11 cused of immoi

man.'.
debauchery and |

es and :

HIT

TJH'.Kb; is, at flu* n
ecrninfl the VUi

'•" ret diploma* j it
■ I inference

red In
n, 1 """ i' lhaf . iimi conferen
svn< re < Iw

l,Jl - N'cw \'mi. 11 ,,,1,1
fn< tion

n utter confusion < mi
policy toward Soviet Ru in
wtion. kuiimis are that the
he abandoned: i ■

Vnothci
will h

d iJ
■
I li

no expression
■ "H tne contrary, ih.- \ }■ { \ s a
Nic aet.vuv 01 the pa.t\ locals
, lhru W no national uiui\ of action

should have issued n call to the creel
Inn it did noi

"1 ia paltering, evading There
P'oietarian revolution; there is the pi I
»«» International; there are

"<' uv - " : but om \ '

its mc< 1 ■
1!
W hv is this? Ei <

!

lish t^'.

1

»po < .1 ti .

»« Soviet* of being tainte

pre cm X I- 1 .

panj h nnivt 1,
»i in a povvi 1 1,
udists 10 the X I 1
honld. it 11 in 1

>!,' ■

♦hip h

repudiated
elect revolutionar)

,

Satur day, February 22, i!919

f 'Congress is Capitalism—corrupt, perverted bank
^t It mvest,gatrs-hut thr prole-riat is p^
for action. «

Which International?

THE facts of the war and of the developing- nro
letarian revolution stress t'he need of interna"
tional solidarity and action : Socialism is not S
ciaism, but a mserable petty bourgeois thing- unlet
it is international m purposes and in action

Socialism., accordingly, must have an international
expression But the international of Socialism must
be a real International, an International pledged to
rhe proletarian revolution, and not an aggregation of
petty bourgeois Socialists, social reformers and sol
cial-patriots.

The "International Congress"' which has been
holding sessions at Berne is the final proof of the
fact that moderate Socialism is petty bourgeois and
counter-revolutionary. It 15 not clear whether it wa "
called, by the -Inter-Allied Labor and Socialist Con-
gress- or by Cannlle Huysmans of the old Interna
nonal Bureau, or by both. But the old International
and its Bureau are dead— <iead through their own
criminal activity m supporting the war and disrunt
ing the international solidarity of Socialism Thev
have no mandate to represent Socialism; thev have
no mandate to call an International Confess thl*t

sfssriJr^ can respect Let «* ^

Whom did this congress consist of? It consisted nf
the reactionary Labor Party of England and it"
bourgeois Henderson; of reactionary British Trades

riamtl Co^nf ess ., wa !,fe desperate effort? to
SbSt &om P ers - ™ r ultra-reactionary, un-
speakable Gompers— to participate That the'lnrf,

^^£\n%s no L£ d : de tl \f EoIsheviki and

Aese courage ^^fir 3 We " :t m: * nt ' since
^tionar^sfcial'L ,S ;fn ent re P resentari ^ s of revo-
bvparticinatinJr ? ?*"" C ° Wnm stuItificati °°
ated th ConSZ SU ti S F "^ 655 ' and have ^epudi-
the Sodah 5p? S : T] r c ltahan SociaHst Party and
WreS as %E? ° f S ^ Zerland "Plated the
evervwhere -!f Ctlonar >'; Revolutionary Socialism
-^rC e - * as Repudiated the congress T

1 he Congre^ ,t ess of thes « "Socialis's "

"** activ^S S225 **** - Sic 'mis-

«™«e activity ZdiZ^^rr*" In the "A

.hey approve of Tff^^^^
Lapitalis,,,. Their L^ e of *&*&*» 1 r»rf -,
^^entVVilson'La S C ?" cfea ^ *5 oi
'f/eaction, l t Was* . ^geoia demo

f Wgeois Hbe rah t \ C a °. n * ress of &*&&*. S
to Socialism. lf was a congress of treason

Pre^nted^adTenXarTr 1 " The '' S <*^'' re-

m S the war: convraiW C0Umer - re ™huionary dur-
-uld not and d d^f y t ^ d nte - at --r' cigreL
heen united with bourns del P °" Gy * P* had
t^ned that unity. Thl \„T /^ '' ^ mam "
were afraid of the ne 1 '°' Ger , man delegates
"PO" them by defeat -Ihe h" I m ' gin be im P«*d
lh * their nltionfwoSd ^% ia j ists were afraid
of victory." CJ be deprived of the -fruits

tion; r aTd Thir^cSS' ^! 16 Pr0letanan «***"
tton, dicker and C n2 agamst the rev oIu-

situation insisted TvTtZ^ "*$ Ca P ital ^m. The
?jy Peace, for a Te in J ^ * f ° r a <™^ion
Congress favored a iZrJ Ce; but this "Socialist"
At a Socahst meeti ^ f if ^ * Wilson P eace "
R«»udel and L% £ r * a ™' ", f ** ?° maS '
olutionary Socialist U r io 1 sued he d™"' ^ rCV "
Congress did not ttsneT^SSl "w? ° g ™ ^ the
man who is seeking to save hf °" •* ™ aWe

must not be followed Tl bourgeoisie, but he

choose between t and W "'T 6 "' has com c to
too revolutionarv and J; ■ ? ut thi ^ policy was
Berne. d ^gre,s:ve tor the yellows at

Bolshevikjabi

Belgian W' r „ re P Ucll ated the congress. The
the W fl 1 art >' . rcfu - d t0 Participate because
notbS L allSt f 0t Ger many were invited-

th y ^er: e G h e e r man e ! re ye "° W SOCialks; ' bUt hCC ^

^lolntZZ^^' the Eb ert-Scheidemann or-

the war ad e " I r narj dUring the war and aft ^
vened; JUSt betore th e Berne Congress con^

^ Sons^ddS,^ 1 ! a l C£pt W J th d ^ satisfaction

{^n threadr o r^l h€l :. paS f l0nate cffort *° reunite the
f ° r eign com„de "'in ™ atl0 " al relations and to give their
,he fate o?GeS, a a ° accc \ un , of thclr attitude.... Upon
P 2n endless e™ n ? Tl f n 1 lhe resuk of P ea « depends
Germany from ^^5 he ' f V, tm ' e of Socialism. To save

H ' e tr "st in wrriV c • S ^>' e the world arid Socialism...
feac«f uI d e* ^ Sociahsm, not Bolshevism, but in a

^■" (OumShS.) f r Whlch WH1 come sooner or

? is P^nundamenf 0CHSy &nd nationalistic spirit of
f eatur es alTi ■ are not lts most important
- vas ^ act a4dn t' 5 1 , n ? icates tha t the Berne Congress
J°% of the J 1 s vlSm ' Andit " did! Thema-
a ?ain st the ^7?^ were against the Bolsheviki,
den ounced in J? " an ^'o^tion; Bolshevism was
? art icularl v iJ T gutter style of the bourgeois press,
Anderson haV J -, mar Brantin £ of Sweden. Arthur
l ,° ad opt tow' ff, , rhe P r °bloni of the best policy
^cussed at SI Bolshevism in Russia will also be
realist toward T T nCe '" The 0nl ^ P° lic y of the
the r evo!utinn Lo,sh evism in Russia is to pursue
not to discus"^ a f stru -? le '" his own country,
tl0n 0r of camo , f| C ° n fer 5 nccs the f orm of condemna-
1 "comm:^-' ■ Phe decision was to designate

c °mmissio,

T^ a r
. fh e dele

C Wy ,, a'rei„? 11f ? Study " Bolshevism in "Russia
" ill vc,,utl0n ary act!

lvit y of di s S, " md , u %ed in the highly Socialist act-
!s to say .^ "S 'responsibility" for the war— that
WePe resp3^ r $f Central ?ower ? or the Allies
Clalist s» had 1 « 1 -T he French and G e™an "So-
la,ist * was r« y l . lUs on this Problem. That Imper-
responsible, and that the revolutionary

t^oM^nSoS 53 LtoroS i^^ ^ P ° f

carrion. There mnt hJ P T ]S now a stinking;

ternational oFrZto^X 1 ^™*™* 1 ' a ° In "
strugle and victory Sociah ^ of the hna!

ItI h l P t°es b tTf ^ne'" Int f n - ati ° naI " an ^ «^

dSirpSittTh d B egates - t0 ^^ ^ S -

muted to 'the S T L ° ngreSS ^ is 0fficia]I y con,-
utea to the vellow Internationa!. This i th/.

Party must emphatically repudiate "

and will have a revolutionary International an

cons^usly and aggressively wage the revom'onlry

There cannot be any compromise on this issue
There cannot be any compromise with the past The
old International expressed moderate Socialism it
became an obstade t0 the revoIution develo ^ c1
o the proletariat, petty bourgeois and counter rev-
Olutionary; it must be repudiated. Under the stress

the !l D :t; tS t ; MarX T and S ° CiaIism ' P-ve?te S "t
he petty bourgeois International, are coming into
their own, vital and vitalizing, preparing to storm
tne bastions ot international Imperialism. In this
great struggle, we must use the revolutionary spirit
°* Socialism, we must abandon the old compromising
policy, we must repudiate whoever and whatever hes-
itates and wavers.

* I h L rC 'V a nCW Internatioii al which does not have
to hold a Congress in order to realize itself— the In-
ternational of revolutionary Socialism in every coun-
try, which does not yearn for showy conferences but
which wages the Socialist, proletarian war against
Capitalism. This Socialism and these groups and
these alone, are worthy of organizing the Third In
ternational.

At its recent congress in Moscow, the Communist
I arty of Russia decided to convoke an International
Congress at which revolutionary Socialism alone will
participate. It issued a program for international
revolutionary Socialism based upon the programs of
the Communist Party of Russia and the Communist
Labor Party of Germany, which declares that at this
moment there is only one Socialist struggle and that
is the struggle for the overthrow of the international
system of Capitalism ; that the immediate task of the
revolutionary proletariat is to struggle for the seizure
Of power and the dictatorship of the proletariat" that
it is necessary to disarm the bourgeoisie and arm the
proletariat as a phase of initiating; the final strueHe
against Capitalism; that a fight without mercy must
be waged against the social-patriots who oppose the
revolution.

This is the policy of the international proletariat
The Bolshevik-Spartacan International is an Inter-
national of revolutionary Socialism.

Which International, comrades of the Socialist
Party ?

w

, r and to

* * if

dinner but Senator Borah i , -■ ' \<^

«*ogeti anj ptmficitj

* *

We wonder horn - %0 mod - a Lea**,

oi Aanon, meant a league of a!! r^o,-" " '"^

* * *

gouw to save ,!, cm „ c wonder what ^

* * *

\\I10 said secret diplomacy? President Wik nr u
co-ng ,0 Boston and will deiivefa'mS JSto
the Peace Conference.^ Isot that open diploma.

The New York Tribune in a recent is.ue gwes a
™e^JZ d %i°™ S 5 e .^ory controlled\y

llatkVnr V^ K ,0 "f and ]t niarks this ter "tory
oiack. More Bolshevik propaganda!

* * *

Mr. William Hard writing in the New Reiubuc
suggests that "perhaps Mr. Hoover was sli^hth- 4s-
jmderstood when Senators seemed to asfume to
be would take a loaf of bread and show it to Lenfn
»£*£ tojet ,im haye it if he woudd stopte^

* * *

AI :^ r U H lder Scutlle : 1abor le ^ers" are annoyed-
Mayor Hansen is getting all the publicity and credit
for breaking the strike.

* * «

We hope that Herr Scheidemann will enter a vi°--

; protest against Emperor-President Ebert turn-

ing^ Bolshevik and conhscating 1,000,000 marks a

-ic * *

we have often remarked before these Bolshe-
viki are a poor lot no matter what way one looks at
«t- I hey have established a dictatorship in Russia
am have been acting the part of despots for some
time, but now the New York Times publishes the
news that the Bolsheviki are arming the workers and
even the school children. Surely there is something
wrong here! _ Bourgeois dictatorships never did any-
thing so foolish. They invariably disarm the people
and arm them own particular gang of thugs who will
do exactly as they are told. Now that the people of
Kussia are being armed and, as we know from the
press reports, that the Bolsheviki represent nobodv
we may await with confidence their complete over-
throw almost any day.

* * *
In view of the fact that some of the European
countries have refused to accept the deportees and
tnat Congress is determined to ship them out of the
country we are beginning to glimpse what is meant
by "the freedom of the seas.''

J- J- McEntee, Business Agent of the New York
district ot the Internationa: Association of Machin-
ists is reported as saving that "I have been unable
to learn or any labor men who were reported or ire
»nd anger of deportation" and thinks thai the members
01 tne Micrometer Lodge arc wrong ■ • characterising
the affair as a "shameful act." Mr. McEntee has
apparently a very narrow conception of the term
labor men/; Perhaps after a few more Seattle*
gentlemen of Mr. McEutee's ilk will find that their
Kieas must undergo a thorough revision. What does
the Micrometer I.odge say?

* * *
The press first reported that Premier Clemenceau's
.^a.kmt was a workman, then lie became a RossJa*
now he sa mode« te anarchist, tomorrow he may
become a Socialist or an I. W. W. and then we ,
nave .mother exuse tor the deportations.
* * *

^w York U arid We had no idea the Bofeaevife had

'or S r* 1 SUCh f thrfat m M ° SCtW - ™'

but m1^ a YoT UlUS W ° U!d l - C Bny ° m l ^'

THE REVOLUTIONARY AGE

Saturday, Februar

y i'i

The Immorality of the Bolsheviki

PUBLICITY, second only* to that received by the
notorious Sisson Documents, is being given to
ccrt.'ini decrees regarding marriage and' the
relation of the sexes generally which Roger E. Sim-
mons, former representative in Russia <>f the Depart-
ment of Commerce, has laid before the Senate Com-
mittee on Bolshevism. Mr, Simmons gives these do-
cuments as the official decrees of the Bolshevik Gov-
ernment through a local Soviet. The whole tenden-
cy of the report of the proceedings is to show that
the Bolsheviki consider women not as human beings
but merely as sexual machines.

The interference of Mr. Simmons' testimony is that
marriage is completely abolished, that "Free Love"
in the bourgeois sense is forced upon women and
that the entire sex is organized on a scheme of state
prostitution, a working card being tendered instead
of money. It is well to remember when considering
some of these "facts" about Russia those other Tacts
which are not denied even by the most violent enemies
of the Bolsheviki. One such fact to be remembered
in connection with the question of how Soviet Russia
deals with women is that working women participate
in the Soviet Government on an equality with men
and that some of the highest administrative offices in
Russia are held by women.

One of the decrees which Mr. Simmons testifies
to as official is in part as follows :

This decree is proclaimed by the Free Association of
Anarchists in the town of Saratov. In compliance with
the decision of the Soviet of Peasants' and Soldiers' and
Workmen's Deputies of Kronstadt, the abolition of the
private possession of women.

MOTIVES
Social inequalities and legitimate marriage having
been a condition in the past which served as an instru-
ment in the hand;, of the bourgeoisie, thanks to which
all the best species of all the beautiful women have been
The property of the bourgeoisie, have prevented the
proper continuation of the human race. Such pon-
derous arguments have induced the present organiz-
ation to edict the folluwing decree :

I. From March i the right to possess women having
reached the ages 17 to 32 is abolished,
child decrec does not affect women having five

4 : The former owners may retain the right of using
their wife without awaiting their turn

5. In case of resistance of the hnsband he shall for-
feit the right of the former paragraph. ' 1<>r
frL nr' ^° men acc ° rdin 8 -° th 's decree are exempted
o?lhe P wSrnS Sh,P and arC Pr ° daimcd thc «*" W

t>rLeJ h ^i 1StribUtI011 *? d ma » a gement of the appro-
E' d n ™ men '" com P lia "ce with the decision of the
raCST'ln ff ar y rat f ercd to the Anarchis Sa-
££« it n thr - ec da * s from th *~ Publication of this
S£lTZ t « * t0 thc , use ^ the nation are
wiigcu to present themselves to the even adrlrp«c -.ml
give the required information, g ^ $ dtld

per?; S'?" T :hing to , use a ^ iece <>f Public Pro-
nrL? s „ hou,0 >e a bearer of certificate from the Faet-

SoTdiers^^nfp profes , s T al «nion, or Workmen^
soldiers, and Peasants' Council, certifyimr that t£
belongs to the working class familv ' & at hc

trained ami edocaed ,,,,5 , £ ' , ' - %£?£% m ,
the cost oi the public (audi 7 ' "' "^ •'

se.se JiuTc held ZAt?™*'"? V ™" al «-

chists i„ I, ■, SovKI Government— the Airar-

virtuous ways of CaoitalSS h* j *j P leasan * and

taarepou?ed LtK ^% *^&. $$***•
:iml outraged virtue ^ - i, ? f> shc , vik ' ^ertinea
»»<« violafion of 1 t ; ' ; ;, w ''^-'^"mtorality
and family love V ■, h W«ls.oi sex virtue

that theM- e.iitori, , '"T"' ' " ' ™™ m *>™*

in upholding the pre • - s | , °J MU ? tIy engaged
their virtuous wrath £ " f , 80Cl ?* ;inrl ^
our own system of *£«122E wl l? t,ca,in e with

tH'Mgnttionisas^

A Sfu^i/ in M.i/f/js ernJ Fac/s

Even the horrible example* cited by Mr. Simmon*
do not deprive women of their liberty of choice and
their personal freedom in other matters. Under Cap-
italism (the system of society which gentlemen like
Mr, Simmons, the personnel of the Senate Committee
and newspaper editors are so vigorously supporting;.
things are different. The details of the white slave
traffic arc so revolting that they cannot be put into
print, the particulars of prostitutioir are so hideous
that they cannot be published. Under our present
system women are sold into slavery at so much a
pound, young girls are decoyed from their homes
and sent into brothels there to do the bidding of their
owners, women are kept confined to houses lest they
would run away, in these brothels they are forced,
sometimes by bodily punishment, into relations with
diseased men and when they have contracted disease
arc forced to contain their "trade." Statistics give
the average life of these women as five years and
the nittmber of suicides is appalling. But statistics
do not compute the sufferings and degradation that
are crowded into the five years, the shame, the misery,
the loneliness, thc bodily agony, the mental torture.
An investigation in the British House of Commons
some time ago resulted in the disclosure of the fact
that houses of prostitution were maintained with the
connivance, if not open support, of the English army
authorities, in which each woman had relations with
over too men in a week and often with over 20 men
in one day. The streets of the great cities of all
"civilized" countries are swarming with women plying
this "trade/'

But all these things arc matters of little moment
to these virtuous men because the women who swell
the ranks of the prostitutes are the women of the
working class. The bodily and mental anguish of
these women is of no importance!

In Russia the incentive for traffic in women's
bodies is removed— there is no longer a profit to be
derived out of their agony. The Soviets had to re-
sise the old system with regard to the sexes as it has
revised it in all other matters. It is quite true that
decrees have been issued on the subject. Some chan-
ges have been made in the marriage system but no
decree has beep issued abolishing marriage.

Decrees have been issued regarding divorce in
which a commonsense attitude is taken towards the
question. If both parties desire the divorce it is
granted without any obstacles being placed in the
way, if only one side wishes the separation the matter
comes before a local judge and if his decision is not
acceptable to both parties then the case is laid before
a jury. Notice of divorce js published in the local
official paper both before and after the decree has
been granted Where there have been children to
the marriage the court decides which party shall have
custody and whether the children will take the father's

r,tinn e fn 10t r CrS "?™ C - In th0 CVent that the a PP' j -

hv r Si nf° rCe imigeS ° n thG « Uestion ° f ^ va id-

H> of the marriage a jury decides the case.

issued hv S WU £ de ^r J e e ardin £ ma ™?e has been
issued by the Council of People's Comnihsaircs the
central government of Soviet Russia: m,SSa,rcs ' the

ma T rn ? a^s S onS ^^ ^ "° W °" reCOg " izcs ™ i]

^WtoilCSlef ' S Perf ° rmed ''" acc<Jrd; — ^h
' P ?I*?P 3 > ^.'"tig to enter into marriage, announce

r with i°„aS? R rdIsi °; is n,;trria ^

Private affair of the J; f ' iS ™ nsi(I ^C(l solelj
.2. Announcers 1 ; ' T ^^ii^V^' 1 ^
nagc are not accepted- « ,, , " 1 ''" " 1! " nilJ -

rears of age; fro^^ernal 11%$™ ?£ g?J2 le ailde ' ,S
of rranscaucasn mnv ,.,„,.„ r .'°'. tlR Male natives

A?S™'Zi1Z K !,

voluntarily,

"' ,'' Absence of obstacle, ?n,.„ ^". S| w«'ttents as
;''"'■ bro «8l« to court Jr • V-, • • ,"''""' m S ri ^ 1
the " marriage is declared void l » fo "nation, and

marmgc into ih- Record Uool IT)**?* '

rI WjB act valid, ook "" l tleclnn.« n K . ,„,„.

-

judg

of the

'J he h
mittec published in the ;

to be under the care o

fact, to in any sense ret;;.

of a family. The following
Alexandra Kollontay, Commi

/It T.'-^l 1. * ' t L^ -_l'

/» — '■■•

(Mme Kollontay is the only
hold a high executive government ofi
viet Government is the only go •
which has an executive government
Social Welfare; and the othci
what light the Bolsheviki treat the -
welfare ;

Two million young lives were yearly

Russia because of the darkness of the :
because of apathy of thc class St; "'c!nf

i'eriny mothers were saturating y
with tears and were covering with the -
the early graves of thc ini

social order. The human thought, which had foreau
tunes seeked a path, has at last readied "
reforms, which will -

epoch of workers

mother for the child and the child for the moth -
samples of 'capitalist moral — homes for orph
above their capacity, having a colossal rnorl
and a hideous form of nursing the infants, wt
was an insult to the sacred feelings of a he^'-.
ing mother and which made the mother-citizen a dull
nursing animal— all these horrors of a nightmare bate
fortunately, sunk in the dark mist of the past 3incc rht
victory of the workers and the peasants. A
bright and pure as the children themselves has coast
You, working women, laboring mother-citizeas,
with your responsive hearts,— you brave bu
■the now social hie,— you ideal pedagogues, :
physicians and nurses,— all of you are called
new Soviet Russia to contribute your minds and feel-
ings^ to thc building of thc great structure of social
welfare of the future generations. All the small and
large institutions of the Commissariat of Social Wel-
fare which serve the children, — all of them from the
day of publication of this decree, mould into
organization and are transformed to the supci
of the Department for safeguarded mothers and chil-
dren, so as to create an inseparable chain logethi
the Institutions for th« care of pregnant wo-
the purpose of bringing urj mentally and ;.
strong citizens. The Petrogiad Home, with all w
auxiliary branches, becomes part of the "Palace for
Safeguarding Motherhood and Infancy", as one of its
departments and is named "The Palace of Ii
The Moscow Home becomes part of the Moscow Insti-
tute of Motherhood and is named "The Moscow Insti-
tute of Infancy".

For the purpose of precipitating the realization of
the necessary reforms for the safeguarding childhood
in Russia, at the Department for Safeguarding Mother-
hood and Infancy a Committee is being organized. It
is to be composed of representatives of the Soviet 01
Workers' Soldiers' and Peasants' Deputies, oi Work-
ers' organizations and oi specialists, interested
Question of social welfare of the infants. The -
ing principles are to be the Committee's guiding prin-
ciples :

1. Safeguarding the mother for the child: the best
drop of milk for the child—is the milk from its moth-
er's breast.

2. Bring up the child in an atmosphere of a widely
developed Socialist familv. ,,

3- To create for the child conditions, which would
lay a foundation for the development of its physical
and mental strength and for a bright unclerstar -
life.

People's Commissaire: A. Kollontay.

Member of thc Collegium, supervising the Depart"
mem for Safeguarding Motfherhood and hi'**
Kor cleft.

Sect'y; Zvetkoff.

January 31, 191S.

DECREE ON COMMISSIONS FOR CARE OF
MINORS

Vrticic 1. Tnal and imprisonment for chadreo w»
those under age rre abolished. . .^.v

Article ->. Tlu- cases of those not ot
sexes who have been guiltv of acts
society are to be dealt wkh bv spe<
Care of Minors. t

yticle 3. The above m«
under the sole jurisdiction
sanat Of Social Welfare an .

On r n-proM-nuiivr each oi I
Social Welfare. People's Education and Just'
less than three people in all < '' W

physician, .

Wvle i. t)n investigating ll
the Commission eithei
Of the institutions
ponding with the offei

The Commit
^ har £cd uith ( he task ■ f work

"ons.o Social Welfare

those under
* ,,< i" , « '" die couru ot -.

"""'. must In- retried

Umirmnn ot tlir Soviet of Pe

x Uhanofl (Lenin).

'.'"I' 1 ^ CoT„:n„sai ri . of |,m,, E

wnet c lerk : Vladimir Bonch-Bm

p'; 1 ,' 1 ;"-, ?" 'h« Soviet \ Gorbounofl . . , •
,„V';', ! .:.m oi the r

ana Peasanu' Government, fanuary uth,

^turda^February

22, 1919

THE REVOLUTIONARY AGE

The Revolution in Prison

c ; t> vc ' Hear ye! We have a cause to uphold

H Pinions and ideas to express—so, dear reader,
id «s volir ear wm)c we u »burden ourselves,
-n there are bars to tin: right of us, bars to the
. f ,is behind us and in front of us,
]ett oi U2 j

tool-proof

us and concrete underneath us, our hearts

a nds dwell in the outer world where the armed

ni die Proletariat are wresting their brightright,

\[%er Earth, from the grasp of the master class.

In the Pima County Jail there at

■ who issue a little ' " r is i

ink; the inside pagt

scarce). We print extracts with one comment, the
emphasis oh "economic action" is not in accord i
new conceptions of the Revolution.

It is mainly m

the light of the experience and tactic?

. Revolutionary Proletariat of Europe in relation
° { b oropaganda and activities of the radicals in our
\° I -beloved United States with which our opinions
and ideas will deal

sentatives composed of Socialists. Yea.
strikes at the heart of social injustice.

the O. 15. U

It

the

must be manifest to
an Proletariat in action that the new conditions
he faced in these United States, require a change
t0 f tactics in meeting the enemy. 1-

Believing in hitting

h/ bourgeoisie where it hurts, our board of strategy
will publish from time to time what is considers the

ro ost efficient means.

While there is unity of opinion among the politicals
in Pima County Bastile on a great many questions,
lev differ strongly on some. Occasionally, during
discussions when they cast off their philosophical calm
a wordv explosion occurs, followed by days of deep
silence.' In future issues we shall endeavor to give an
account of these discussions.

Our readers will find us both serious and humorous.
We shall publish sketches and poetry and try to make
the magazine as attractive as possible. Who our poet
will be no one knows ; but we expect to develop one.

Thus, sans advertising, sans subscribers, not caring
a rap about such trivialities as free press, free speech,
laws and conventions, we name thee Bastile and send
thee forth on the troubled waters.

SHALL AMERICA BE LAST?

THUS spake certain wise men unto their slaves:
"America First." But I say unto you, be not de-
ceived. Gaze over yonder whence you brethren who
manipulate the levers amidst the clanging of great
machines, who plow the ecrth, sow the seed and reap
the harvest, who burrow like moles in the bowels of
the earth— hear them as they hurl defiance at ^ the
masters in slave-bound lands, "We are the First.

Arouse vourselves, ye rebels, lest it be said "Afr-
ica was -Last." Cast off vour time w irn methods
which you fondly believed, and perhaps still believe,
will emancipate the workers. What have petitions,
resolutions, and 'delegations accomplished ? What has
voting and participation in bourgeois parliaments ac-
complished ?

Consider petitions, resolutions, and delegations. It
is not necessary to cite what happened on innumerable
occasions when these instruments were employed _ to
protest against obnoxious legislation, or when during
a strike, or as the result of a frame up, a champion
of labor was imprisoned. They weren't worth the
energy and money spent upon them.

Consider now the political field. In the labyrinth
of politics labor has been shamelessly betrayed time
after time. Their representatives, tainted by bourge-
ois associations and opportunism, deserted their
principles when the war was declared. It is here by
means legal and extra-legal that the bourgeoisie can
nullify any radical legislation. Here the bourgeoisie
is all-powerful.

Nay, politics is not the logical field for proletarian
activity. They have no interest in the political state,
they have no interest in changing its laws. Their in-
terest lies in a fundamental economic change, the aboli-
tion of the wages system, the abolition of private
ownership of the means of production. This can on >
be accomplished by direct action on the economic r
thru industrial organization, where no worker
franchised, where every worker has a voice.
Hidustrial field the proletariat is all-powerful.

The I. \v. W. whose shibboleth is "Abolition of the
w *ge system" is working along direct lines. Radicals
mu st lend their energy to improve its organization and
spend its dominion in the East. In the West the -
VV - W. have become a powerful faction on the eco-
"omic field and soon the A. F. of L. will dwindle to
!he proportion of a Wednesday evening prayer inect-
•ng.

"Double, double, toil and trouble:
Fire burn and cauldron bubble."

ClXCE the signing of the armistice we have wit-
**J nessed the capitalist class using a combination of
its three methods of combating revolutionary ideas.
During normal times they used these singly.

The forward moving revolutionary movement has
thrown them into a fever of fear and caused them to
resort to silence, ridicule and suppression — all in one
beautiful -melange.

dis-
On the

Yi

The

ill

airely b
and agi
mastei

affile

tfJ/UED by the
(Political^
* confined in
Pirn© Co.
Bft&iile

wm

The following excerpt from a capitalist newspaper
will illustrate what they are feartul ot :

"Un thru the European chaos is surely creeping the
menace of Bolshevism, not Socialism, but that Bolshe-
vism which is the result of reckless modern matenal-

1S1 "That is Why the league of nations is supremely im-

i n n f , f Z league of nations is I topian, then our
Sai s ength Exhausted and civilization will go
down t a welter of barbarous slaughter.

[Wetting his sophism regarding 'civilization and
.•barbarou" daughter" we will assure the writer of
the S that there will be a league ot nations.

In fact there will be two leagues O I nations-one a
combination
ine class nation

ill «iv there can be no harmoii)

111 .. ...1 :. ..,:,,.(! to .i common hast

-

In thi- - ral is pre-

paring

will be directed
class fear vaot

Tho their most ac- -

the member ' i 00 the

job and as a result the.-

This indomitable spif
necessary in the trying times ahea-i
italist class is full
it resorts to suppressi- id
sion does suppress for a time — .
defer the realization of our i -

Yea! a great many of as
our present bit isn't the last bit.

Onward with the task outside — ag ' ^nize

on the job for the industrial repub rga a and

hasten true world peace!

A SCRAP FROM A SCR

"In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall
enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial

U. S. Constitution.

THE politicals have now bo
months in Pima Count) ■'- a trial still

seems as far off as ever.

Wobbly papers from the length and bres
land disclose to us that we ?re not as
manv other political offenders. Xe
I. W. W. are in jail in Omaha. Wichita. Fresc Sj -
kane and other places awaiting trial.

One group of wobblies has been incarcerated over
one vear without trial— held under the "spinach " act.
Another group has been in the tank two year? on
another charge.

In the next issue we will picture a f e
which shame the Black Hole of Calcutta and are a
close seconds to the torture chambers of the Span -
Inquisition. News which radical paper-;
would probably consider unfit to print for
fending the authorities.

* * *
The American Fakeration of Labor meets to
on a general strike to obtain justice for Mooney. First
they decide to strike one week, then they decide one
day is sufficient, then one hour. Finally they decide
on' a five minute strike. Ye Gc Is ' W hat «iwds
another John Brown to free Mooney— the A. F. of L-
won't free him.

FAMOUS SAYIXGS BY GREAT MUX

"He kept us out of war"
"Too proud to ' : . I
"Peace without victory"
••Let's slaughter them all"

of capitalist nations, the other of work-
ing And while thev prate of peace we
io concord, no peace

to a co-oper
are the universal prope
The same issue which

noted also carried an artic

>gorous propaganda campaigns must be carrwu <
„■ numerous Labor Defenders, newspapers ancipc
"heals established in the interest of the I. W. W. '

lria > or in jail must be -' ' ^rmauent basi

««aer the editorial directioi
e,lce <i Propagandists.

.So arouse yourself, ye rebels, or it
jaid "America was Last." Help to organize
g** for the O. B. U.— One Big Union, the
le *r this organization more than a House ot Keprc

placed on a permanent basis

Sion of Capable and expen-

^-t^^.^V^vV.nieans of production
erty of the workers of the world,
contained the pai

idiculing the amateurish

St^ta'S^ S™»P ° f '"';— u ^ ,g

eral industrial planW n>« »»'

stract cd ■ P«»^ rt 7 cl ' des , Spar.icu S .anls ami

ake them look ven ruucv
nted.

tparttcus

cuspidor
ous. That'!
\\Y have
silence,
general
tfid inform u
was broken.

He tried to ma
what hi^ master ws

m example of ho\\ the) apply

ti U '\ diil not inform us that a

« progress in Switzerland. '

hen the backbone ol the movement

id not inform us thai disorder

also had
■ instance,

They

"I think we have had a 3 air in;

How a rebel can credit the courts ot i
giving a fair trial is beyond us.
virtue with the beast when a rebel

5S is

-

"Diplomacy shall proceed
public view." — Wih

BASTILE BR] "5

THIS month's cover «

Strength of the bars
reflects the ruggt
them. There is class s -

M. Goldberg will shave s

able to design a t*
will show soldi s - "

Send us a cake 01 i «

Radk
with io\ by Castile.

•aper-

-

THE REVOLUTIONARY AGE

■5522L5J*

The Day of the People

UPON his release from die Kaiser's baslilj
P ?cirsofXh were torn from thear hjngea
L the proletarian revolution Karl Lul>-

"The Dai of the People has arrived! It was a mag
nificent challenge to the Junkers and an inspiring
battle-cry to the aroused workers.
From that day to this Liebknecht, Rosa Luxem-

burg and other true

leaders of the German proleta-

riat have stood bravely at the front, appealing to the
workers to join the revolution and make it complete
by destroying what remained of the crimina and cor-
rupt old regime and ushering in the day ot the people.
Then arose the cry that the people were not yet ready
for their day, and Ebert and Scheidemann and their
crowd of white-livered reactionaries, with the sanc-
tion and support of the fugitive Kaiser, the infamous
Junkers and all the allied powers, now in beautiful
alliance, proceeded to prove that the people were
not yet ready to rule themselves by selling up a bour-
geois government under which the working class
should remain in substantially the same state of slav-
ish subjection they were in at the beginning of the
war.

And now upon that issue — as to whether the ter-
rible war has brought the people their clay or whether
its appalling sacrifices have all been in vain — the
battle is raging in Germany as in Russia, and the
near future will determine whether revolution has
for once been really triumphant or whether sudden
reaction has again won the day.

In the struggle in Russia the revolution has thus
far triumphed for the reason that it has not compro-
mised. The career of Kerensky was cut short when
he attempted to turn the revolutionary tide into re-
actionary bourgeois channels.

Lenine and Trotzky were the men of the hour and
under their fearless, incorruptible and uncompromis-
ing leadership the Russian proletariat has held the
iort against the combined assaults of all the ruling
class powers of earth. It is a magnificent spectacle.
It stirs the blood and warms the heart of every rev-
olutionist, and it challenges the admiration of all
the world.

So far as the Russian proletariat is concerned, the
day of the people has arrived, and they are fighting
and dying as only heroes and martyrs can fight and
die to usher in the day of the people not only in Rus-
sia but in all the nations on the globe.

In every revolution of the past the false and co-
wardly plea that the people were ''not yet ready" has

By Eugene V. Debs

From "The Class Struggle"

prevailed. Some intermediate class Invariably sup-
planted the class that was overthrown and "the peo-
ple" remained at the bottom where they have been
since the beginning of history. They have never
been "ready" to rid themselves of their despots, rob-
and parasites. All they have ever been ready
for has been to exchange one brood of vampires for
another to drain their veins and fatten in their misery.

That was Kerensky's doctrine in Russia and it is
ScheidemaruVs doctrine in Germany. They are both
false prophets of the people and traitors to the work-
ing class, and woe be to their deluded followers if
their vicious reaction triumphs, for then indeed will
the yokes be fastened upon their scarred and bleeding
necks for another generation.

When Kerensky attempted to side-track the rev-
olution in Russia by joining forces with the bour-
geoisie he was lauded by the capitalist press of the
whole world. When Scheidemann patriotically rush-
ed to the support of the Kaiser and the Junkers at
the beginning of the war, the same press denounced
him as the betrayer of Socialism and the enemy of
the people. And now this very press lauds him to
the heavens as the savior of the German nation!
Think of it! Scheidemann the traitor has become
Scheidemann the hero of the bourgeoisie. Could it
be for any other reason on earth than that Scheide-
mann is doing the dirty work of the capitalist class?

And all this time the prostitute press of the robber
regime of the whole world is shrieking hideously
against Bolshevism. "It is worse than Kaiserism"
is the burden of their cry. Certainly it is. They
would a thousand times rather have the Kaiser re-
stored to his throne than to see the working class rise
to power, In the latter event they cease to rule, their
graft is gone and their class disappears, and well do
they know it. That is what we said from the beginn-
ing and for which we have been sentenced as dis-
loyalists and traitors.

Scheidemann and his breed do not believe that the
day of the people has arrived. According to them
the war and the revolution have brought the day of
the bourgeoisie. Mr. Bourgeois is now to take the
place of Mr. Junker— to evolute into another Tunker
himself by and by— while Mr. Wage-Slave remains
where he was before, under the heels of his master,
and all he gets out of the carnage in which his blood

dyed

j a! !

The ;

■

Who

i lass, the I- i

verished, the
and those who sympath ,
and they who exploit
cenaries and meni
are the enemies of the j ' "- ^

That is the attitude of Lenine and
sia and was of Liebknccht and * ! n **■

Germany, and this accounts
hood and calumny which p
the brave leaders and their r
from the filthy mouthpieces of the i
criminal Capitalism throughout the world ^^ "

The rise of the working-class is the red si** •
the bourgeois horizon, The red cock shall* "
crow. Anything but that! The Kaiser himsdfS
be pitied and forgiven if he will |
heavenward, proclaim the menace of
appeal to humanity to rise in its wrath an' r
this curse to civilization.

And still the "curse" continues to spread-Jib
raging conflagaration it leaps from shore to L
The reign of Capitalism and militarism has
all peoples inflammable material. They arc
ready for the change, the great change whi
the rise and triumph of the workers, the en
ploftation, of war and plunder, and the emancipaiai
of the race. Let it come! Let us all help its
and pave the way for it by organizing the
industrially and politically to conquer
usher in the day of the people.

In Russia and Germany our inrades are

leading the proletarian revolution, which ;
race, no color, no sex, and no boundarv lines
are setting the heroic example for world-wide emd-
ation. Let us, like them, scorn and rep-.:
cowardly compromisers within our own rai
lenge and defy the robber-class pow<
out^on that line to victory or death!

From the crown of my head to the soles of
I am Bolshevik, and proud of it.

"The Day of the People has arrived!"

T^HE spirit of revolt, larger and more intense, is
x seizing upon the workers of the world. Neither
threats nor curses issued by i\m high priests of bour-
geois society can repress the pressure oi* the prole-
tarian masses. Even in countries where the revolution
is not yet in action and has not unfurled the Red
Flag, where the demon-gods of bourgeois society have
not yet been hurled from their pedestals,— even there
the growing protest of the working masses may any
day Hare up into action, colored by a red light.

The big British strikes, at Belfast and in the Glas-
gow district, and the strike movement in London,
were stern warnings to the British bourgeoisie They
are at an end, but they are still a threat, and new:
strikes arc developing. The press organs of British
plutocracy are shouting at the top of their voices that
Bolshevism is entrenching itself in the minds of the
workers, and that the events in Belfast and Glasgow
arc warnings that Red Days may come as they di'<i ]n
Petrograd and Berlin.

The labor movement in England is slipping away
from the control of the official and reactionary trades
unionism The leadership of the movement is
into the hands of the factory-committees (Shop
stewards) and these representatives of the workers
° tlK> Russlan ro*"ods are their

In Paris under the very nose of the Peace Con-
ference, a strike was recently declared by the workers
and employees of almos, all the city transportation

• Hi " S° ther th ' S , StHke WM CrUshc<1 b >' *C police

and the military, we do not know: we are in the dark
tor the vigilant eye of the censor allows on!
mentary news to pass concerning the work i
mem in Europe. Urn a Kew York papei the other
day printed a Paris dispatch- vvl , r 4dy

to believe-that the germs of Bolshevism arc pene-
trating the "capital of the world."

No wonder, therefore, that even the Peace Con-

The Revolutionary Strike Movement

By A. Nyemanov

ference is discussing the "solution" of the "labor"
problem. Even the aristocratic diplomats will have to
get busy with "dirty work."

Difficult times have come for the bourgeoisie, dan-
gerous and fraught with great events.

Industrialism in Australia

unI^\vv/h r S 1Ce T°i thc ° nC Bi - Unio "' th e name
undei winch the Industrial Union movement is mak-
ing great strides in the Commonwealth, held at Syd-
ney a short time ago issued an appeal to the return
ng so diers and sailors. The manifesto dea W h he"
conditions which will confront these men on he r
return and points out that their only hope lies i. or

> i .«.-..:.». ', i"™:: ";■■ ";''-.-

wages and still further ,,i„ , * ' educing

-vents are moving ■ rapldh V ^ "P* 1 *

Secure more con^; c tonon 7"' tt ?\ le j eff <>*>

gleet our present opportunities .h ,, S V"
trial servitude will be riveted „„•,,,, mdu& "
■«*«« forces of reactio^iS.-" ™* UP °° >""■

Then there have been great strikes in Brussels.
in Sweden and Switzerland, and in far-
the Central Powers the revolutionary
still active. Events in Spain . K bour-

geoisie that the report comes — of Lenin being t
celona! South America is a-trem
revolutionary agitation.

The old capitalist world is writhing in tt)
A new life is bursting io-:
movement has not yet assumed ;
revolutionary protest, the trouble
masters of bourgeois society sees the red hand
proletarian revolution which is v.
the stern words prophesying the coming end oi
present social system.

And things are not at all calm in
The American Senate. •
priests, runs here and there
who are disturb- .
chants are lavishlv spe
«k menace. The .
Hundreds -

thrown into fail
Espionage Act is still in foi .
ohitionary agitario

The American bourgeoisie cn ects - '

for, the adven *

J character.
^ Hie America-. '
of the coming sto
preservation, it re*
in hope of cms]

s is still leanvii

|

«»g all over thc world is
country T\

st become international,
national,

m tumfi fahwiy 22, Igia

ffg ftEVQLlfflONAttV A (a;

Democracy and Proletarian Dictatorship

. p w , ftf* to foc*J a dictatorship of the worker
I ,„ ( | peasants with the object of putting down the
J ,j s j e . of depriving the bourgeoisie of .-„,,'.

anhoftimity f " "ndertake attempts to reestablish its
; s clear, that there is ho room for any wiae
Ueffies for the bourgeoisie, nor for extending the
fofo f ,f suffrage to the bourgeoisie, nor for tftUsa-
[, ( Soviet power into a bourgeois-republican
neflt.
ffo Communist (Bolshevist) Party is assailed
Item ill sides With expressions of dissatisfaction, ana
'. CM #ith threats, to this effect: "You are closing
, f he newspapers, dispersing meetings, violating
the freedom of speech and of the press; you are es-
tablishing an autocracy, you are highwaymen and
ffflifdefers" ;uh\ other similar things. We must there-
fore gb into the question of "liberties" in the Soviet
Republic in considerable detail.

Let us take an example. When, in March 1917,
the revolution broke out, and the Czarist ministers
fr frier, Protopopov, etc.) were arrested, did any-
abject? No one did. And yet, these arrests, like
-toy other arrests, were a violation of Personal Libcr-
fv. Why was this violation approved by all? And
why did we then say: "So it is and so it should be?"
Simply because these arrests were of persons who
were dangerous counter-revolutionaries. And in rev-
olutionary times more than in any other it is neces-
sary to observe the eleventh commandment: "Thou
shalt not be caught napping!" Tf we do not remain
constantly watchful, if we allow full freedom or
action to all the enemies of the people and make no
effort to restrict them, there soon will be very little
left of the revolution.

Another example. At the time the Stunners and
Gorernykins were being arrested, the Black Hundred
press was also suppressed. This was very clearly
a violation of the freedom of. the press. But was
this violation of the freedom of the press justifiable?
Of course it was. And not one reasonable man will
attempt to deny that this act was as it should be.
Why? Again simply for the reason that in a life and
denth struggle it is necessary to deprive the enemy
of his weaoons. And one of these is the press.

In the November Revolution, in Kiev, the Black
Hundred organization. "The Double-Headed Eagle."
was suppressed, in addition to a number of others.
This was a violation of the liberty of association. Yet
it was a proper act, since the revolution cannot toler-
ate liberty of association to organizations directed
against the revolution.

When Komilov was advancing on Petrograd. a
"umber of generals went on strike, refusing to sub-
mit to the orders of the Provisional Government.
r_hey_ declared themselves to be entirely in favor of
Kormlov. Could we afford to support this kind of
liberty of a "general's" strike? It was necessary to
proceed against such strikes on the part of the Black
Jdundrerl generals with the most severe measures.
What is the noint of all this? We see that violations
every variety of liberty are necessarv in dealing
with the opponents of the revolution. There cannot
»" revolutionary eras he any liberties for the enemies
?l the people and f the revolution. That is a clear,
"refutable position.

fojrfh March to November, neither the Mensheviki,
&'• r V rilt Social-Revolutionaries, nor the' bour-
rajsed any outcry against the "forcible sei-
'. s undertaken in March, against the abrogation
the ?Pl ^ om °f th e (Black Hundred) press, of
M.h.-k Hundred) speech, etc. No outcry was
*8ea. because these acts were carried out by the
^ seized by the bourgeoisie in March: the Guch-
Milyukovs, RodzyankoSj Tereschenkos and
■rthful servants, the Kerenskys and Tseretellis.
^ November the situation had changed. Then the
\;, -\ l ] ca,11e ''it against the bourgeoisie, which on
^* ,r "'! had bcui sitting on their necks. In November
'■'■- supported the workers. Of course tne

By N. Bucharii

WORD

ffon head o\ (i,! m;...:!."'! :" ,c< ear # <» < ; ■

irian dicUUorshi;> and

sia> and 6I11Q ■

together will, -n^'TT ? W,e ! ''' ** 9 ;

ifig til :. Urn-

P&abfe; SdStS h " vv ' " ,f! »'"

was the representative "f V he Sov,et Slate ' I|f '

ftltlftlsl Pa?5 ' -, . .,', ,1P extrcme Ieft of Hie Com-
plies, alth ,', ',,, ° ] ' >,m , L f nm . as moderate oti

communism.
Bitcht

i^% y ofntftZT^l m i wntin f °" ,m P eriaI -

Th, J?l t /■ ,m Pprt*ftM and it is Ik ntention of

ffifft •M.n.ake.hcvaSieu!

Bucharin's boot hJ P '' t:,lck ' ]S , " d,n " ( ' r fr "" !
Pflr/v-oubliK il ,4 F r°? r <»» of the Communist
VV» shan ", r 1 Pi Ru l S,a about ei S ,]t morrths ago.

is coS Id hi d f ,d unaMU ™"B man. Bucbanti
.consumed by an intense energy and revolutionary

their f

the

"rgtnis-'

was inspired

revoluti

with
:h

insane

hatred of
exceeded

hv t! . > <^»".miiuoij. which was narciiv excec
/»je hatred felt by the feudal landholders. All the
ifljr J^^T'erty owners now united against the work-
ed the poorest peasants. All rallied to the
(achili " f t,,e s °- caIlefl Party of popular liberty
PftOBle \ 1C ,, '" ,V " f P°P u!ar tr eason) against the
Wl naturaljyj when the Deoole beerati to

put

etc

otenl rage:

people began
Mob violence!'

■

• - -,..

iowever, clear to the workers

' ornimtnist Party not only does

tn\- (fBerties whatever for the boUrgeots

enmies of the people (such as, liberty of the press,
01 speech, of association, assembly, etc.). On the
contrary: it demands constant readiness to confiscate
the bourgeois press, to disperse the meetings of the
enemies of the people, to prevent them from dissem-
inating hes, intrigues, and panic ; to put down in the
most ruthless manner every effort they make to re-
urn to power. For that is what the 'dictatorship of
the proletariat means.

Tn other worth, when we speak of the press, our
nrst_ question should he: What press is under dis-
cussion, the bourgeois or the proletarian? When it is
a matter of meetings, we must first ask: whose meet-
ing-, those of workers, or those of counter-revolu-
tionaries? When the question of strikes is raised,
out first concern is this: is it a strike of the workers
against the bourgeoisie or a sabotage of the bour-
geoisie or the bourgeois intelligentsia against the pro-
letariat 3 Anybndv who can't see this can't see any-
thing. The press, meetings, association, etc., are
instruments of the class struggle, and in a revolu-
tionary epoch they are instruments of civil war, no
less than the physical military supplies, such as ma-
chine-guns, gunpowder, shell. And the whole ques-
tion amounts simply to this: by what class are they
being used, ;m<\ against what class? The working
class cannot offer liberty of organization to the up-
risings of Kornilovp. Dulovs and Milytikovs, against
the toiling masses. Similarly, it cannot grant absolute
liberty of action, organization, speech, press, assemb-
ly, to counter-revolutionary chieftains who with
great persistence are carrying through their program
and only waiting for a chance to hurl themselves
against the workers and peasants.

When the right Social-Revolutionaries and the
heviki utter the battle-cry of the "Constitutional
Assembly," they are really concerned wdth votes for
the bourgeoisie. Similarly, when they shout wildly
about the annihilation of all liberties, they are con-
cerned with the liberties of the bourgeoisie. No one
may touch the bourgeois press, the bourgeois h
the counter-revolutionary bourgeois organizations—
that is the position these peoole take.

"But," we are told f "you also closed doyn the Men-
shevik mid Social-Revolutionist papers: more than
once the Communist Tarty has failed to respect the
persons of respectable people, people who had been
Jailed under the Czar's regime. How about that?*"
We shall answer this question with another: When
Gotz, a right Social-Revolutionist, Colonel, organized
an uprising of the military cadets and officers against
the soldiers and workers, should we caress him fond-
ly for this activity? When Rudtseff, a right Social-
Revolutionist, organized a Moscow White Guard in
November consisting of bourgeois boys, house owners
and other gentlemen, the gilded youth, and together
with officers and military cadets tried to put down
with machine guns and to drown in blood the Novem-
ber uprising of the workers and soldiers — were we for
this to decor;)*'' hini with an order? When the Men-
shevik paper Fonuard I winch should have been called
"Backward") and the Social-Revolutionist tabor lied
to the Moscow workers at a most critical hour, saying
jhat Kornilov had taken Petroernd (and they did
this to crush the will of the workers), did the^ de
serve our praise for this little provocntory prank?

What inttsl we infer from all tin's? The following:
Jf the socini-traitor leaders and the *sodal-tfaitoi
pp r s iii'.nn to < pn >• i 1 "' bom • itli imhiltfa

ardor, if they case to differ in n ■ ■ •■• I 1 ■
Slack -Hundred-Cadet Pogrom (kind, in their public
ulter.inces. we <di;ill have to adopt tU- ^,-uue ilieQSUri

in dealing with tl

the nobh , now ■< I up a dyii •
uch tin po 1

9CI11 COUJ1

Black Hundred in their actions, we must

them.

While tli" bourgeoisie and all the other « -
<>f >' ii and the pa

ded, the proletarians and pea
must have the fullest liberty of speech, association,

and they must have these not ui
only, but in fact. Never under any system of -
were there so many organizations of workc
peasants as there are now under the Soviet power.
Never did any state support so many workers and
peasants organizations, as in our day under the Soviet
power. This is the result of the simple reason that
the Soviet power is the power of the workers and
peasants themselves, and it is not surprising that this
power should support the organizations of the work-
lass, in so far as that is possible, in so far as the
strength and the means are present. And we repeat:
the Communist Party is really introducing these li-
berties, not merely prohrsirtg them to the world. Here
is a little example: The liberty of the workers' press.
Under the pressure of the working class even the
bourgeoisie had consented to certain degree of liberty
for the workers' press. But the workers have not
the means: the printing offices are all in the hands of
the Capitalists. The paper is also in the hands of
the capitalists, who have bought everytlrng. The
peasant has hi? liberty of the press, but he cannot
make this liberty real, because he has not the where-
withal. The Communists turn to the gentlemen con-
trolling the printing offices, declare them to be the
property of the workers' and peasants' state, and
[daces them at the disposal of the working comrades
— they may now actually realize their right to a rree
press. Of course the capitalist gentlemen will set
Up a howl. But it is clear that the right to a free
can he realized only in this way.
Thev mav out another rpiestion to us: why did not
I he Bolsheviki speak sooner concerning the abolition
of full ri-rhts for the bourgeoisie? Why d ; d they for-
merly stand for a bourgeois-democratic republic?
Why did they themselves formerly stand for the
Constituent Assembly? And not asking of depriving
the bourgeoisie of the right of suffrage? Why, in a
have they now changed their program on these
toils?
The reason is very simple: the working class has
hitherto tioi had the strength to attempt an open
k on the bourgeois fortress. They needed pre-
ry measures, a gathering of energies, enlight-
enment of the masses, organization.

They did. to be sure, have liberty of the workers'
of their own. not of the press of their masters.
I hit they could not go i" the capitalists, and to their
Mate power, and state the demand: Messrs. Capi-
afists. shut <\->vn your papers and open tin ours?
!'•<< !e would have ian-jhwl at th^m For it : s rtd : -
cp'-Mi- to on! mm- ench d'*'"a*i r ' to th ramhhVs: i 1
would be equivah ; them to cut their own

throats. Such demruids can only be made at the,
height of a successful onslaught. No earlier time
was suitable. That is why the worker, as well as
our parte, used to say: Hurrah for freedom of the
press (the whole press, including the bourgeois'). Or.
to take another example: It is clear that employers'
leagues, which throw the workers into the streets.
keep blacklists, etc., — are harmful to the working
class Rui the working class could not oo-mlv de-

id \hoHsh u'tir er"p .nir.at inns and establish ours!

To do thai they would first have had to crush the
capitalist \nd For that thev were no* strong

enough That is why our party then also cried,: we

demand hVrty of associations ' no!

for the woi '

Hut tl have changed Nov n vnu-

er discussing prolonged prep- '■••:tle:

we arc alrcn I 11 tl ttack, after

(h ■ Ri si gn 1! victory 01 el I

Fronted h ati
' ■■ (•■■.'■
\t»e! i htch is

iti ui of all '-oni

■

Tors

it '•

*'■• ■ this hsl

-:

THE REVOLUTIONARY AGE

Saturday, FeiSruar\

The Wrath of the Millions

THROUGHOUT the world the wrath of thi
[etariai is preparing to hurl itself at the forces
of Imperialism.
The wrath of an accusing working class is about
to deal with the politicians and financiers of imperial-
ism whose power Is based on a bluff and on past,
dense ignorance of the working class.

In Can's, the ablest servants of Imperialism have
been conducting a series of discussions to consider
\\A\f. and means of bolstering their worn, decayed
social system. Through press channels these servants
of Imperialism would have us think of their discus-
sions as the embodiment of a peace conference.
But where is there peace?

There will be no peace in the world after the ser-
vants of Imperialism have adjourned their conference.
There can he no peace — there shall be no peace — in
the world until the workers have organized their
wrath and used it mercilessly to crush laws, customs,
and institutions that have enabled a few imperialist
politicians and financiers to exploit and bleed the pro-
letariat.

While Wilson and House, Lloyd George and Bal-
four and Pichon. and other representatives of Impe-
rialism are evolving a capitalist peace and consider-
ing the possibility of future wars in which the work-
ers are to murder one another without cause, the
wrath of the proletariat is raising its giant form,
ready to strike hard in England, Ireland, Scotland,
South America, the United States, <Roumania, Italy.
While the world is in the throes of proletarian
wrath, what are the Socialists of America thinking,
now?

American Socialists should reconcile themselves to
the cold, bare fact that parliamentary or moderate
Socialism is dead to stay dead.

Moderate Socialism in America gave its last gasp
when its high priest, Victor Eerger, was convicted a
few weeks ago for violation of the espionage act.

I think, moderate Socialism in America gave its
last gasp when its arch apostle, while on the witness
stand, revealed graphically and unconsciously, the
craven, compromising, treacherous , psychology of
moderate Socialism as he expressed" disapproval of
the Bolsheviki in Russia and revolutionary working-
class tendencies in the United States. Will American
Socialists agree that this brand of Ebert-Kerensky-
Scheideman Socialism is more dangerous to" intelli-
gent American working class revolution than capital-
ists with their institutions? They should, if they be
honest and clear in their perceptions.

Why the childish prattle of moderate Socialism, to
appease the anger of imperialists, about buying out
the industries when they can be expropriated by a
government based on proletarian dictatorship- Amer-
ican capitalism will never sell itself out any more
than did feudalism or American negro slavery.

Socialists should discard the practice of trying to
cater to the good will of the enemies of the working-
class. Socialist policy must become drastic and posi-

Mass Meeting

on

Political Prisoners and Deportations

SUNDAY, FEBRUARY 23, 2.30 P. M,

GRAND OPERA HOUSE

Dover and Washington Sts., Boston

Speakers:

LOUIS C FRAINA

Just released from Prison

LME KAPLAN

Secretary I awrence Strike Committee, and

threatened xrith deportation

EADMONN M.\ ALPINE

Expected to Speak-

S F - \' K A T v Y A M A

JttfWw S '^ ! "'"' Srifc from Japan

sldmUihit Free,

Auspice. Local Hoston, Sl , i:illM ^

By Barnet Braverman

live in it> demand- and welcome a similar policy from
the bourgeoisie although (he latter have shown they
need no invitations to be drastic and positive in their
methods for. the protection of their power.

Today the forces of American, French. English,
Italian, Japanese and German imperialism are lined
tij) solidly against the proletarian revolution in Rus-
sia. Socialists in America should realize their task
to bring pressure upon American Imperialism by su]
porting the Bolsheviki and world-wide revolt.

The I'nited States teems with proletarian wrath
that is not yet organized, the wrath of people who dis-
trust the government in. foreign affairs, the wrath of
men and women workers who want something more
out of life than the opportunity to work from sunrise
to sundown, the wrath of a greatly increasing unem-
ployed army, the wrath of returning soldiers who are
jobless after having fought for "democracy" and
"freedom," These people, fretting under the double
yoke of economic insecurity, unemployment and high
prices, constitute the material now before our eyes,
the material with which we must work to create self-
disciplined mass revolution.

An American revolutionary Socialist movement
must convince workers that their wrath can bring
them permanent relief from economic insecurity only
when their indignation is expressed in conscious
mass action for the abolition of the capitalist state
called "democracy" and the organization of a state
recognizing the needs of those who work on a socially
useful status.

Moderate Socialism has always interfered with the
development of working class initiative just as much
as the conservative labor unions of the American
Federation of Labor. Moderate Socialism has ever
supported the capitalist state in which the bourgeois
have always held the reins of power.

There is no difference between moderate Socialism
and bourgeois reform. The former is to cateh votes
for some Socialist politician, and the latter to carry
out reforms under pressure from the masses.

In many sections of the country factories and mills
are closing or have shut down. A revolutionary So-
cial. si government based on proletarian dictatorship
wTmkl not hesitate to expropriate and open these fac-
tories and mills for the employment of those who are
eager to work, eager to produce wealth.

In different states conferences (always "confer-
ences ') are on between state and federal officials and
conservative, sane labor leaders, all engrossed in the
problem of reaching a solution for unemployment.

Conferences are of no avail. Bourgeois conferences
(conservative, sane labor leaders belong to the lower
strata of the bourgeois) never helped the workers
Can conferences between government officials and
labor leaders give employment

conservative

mill

to ten

million unemployed persons (figures based on fi-ures
by Dean Kirchwey, for the United States Department
ot Labor) while private owner, of industrv rWm it

unprofitablt

private owner- of industry deem 1
to employ or buy labor power?

Woodrow Wilson Issue

of

The Revolutionary Age

na^e M a d ?Ldi!lS?« W rl!! r '"' !l,r " l '\ A ? crk;i Monda >' and
Practically trTwh i" 1U> 7 ,!'" ■ afe Conferences.

olutionan Agi
speech— a splendid is
issue n:ll have a car
Send your orders 1
the workers !

l"'Je Of the next issue of The Rev-

II !>c devoted to an analysis of this

ne lor propaganda purposes I " ; -

pread our message anion*

!■!'-<;. STEfN T ER, Manager

,s < x 5 Washington St ret:

Boston, Mass.

Red Week for the Age'

'2lf«! Week is a Socialists" week, f means

t^s^r&ss. « 5S

FOR THE UENEFIT OF

The Revolutionary A^e

M^s .;,H \:* ^^vorth Street. Ro.n
decorated rcblult ■ m ' 1 h f " ,L

lfit and beautifnllv

£«*{ Boston will participate
wui «wvo something to oft

Evcrj
h 's week will be

Talk

- ■
ready to tak<

mtrol of govern*! • ' •'-

r as moderate Socialism is d-
matter, it cannot rise fr
promises that could not be ke*/
Socialism had opportunity
mass demands, i
triotism, capitalist state worship/
and discouraged working class inh ■

Is the American Socialist movement to be a f
in the world-wide proletarian revolution? f^^
must welcome and promote

people, to create social conflicts that will put th^v^f
geois on the defensive, must encour
;md disdain of imperialist social and econor
sion, must support attacks of the worker-
form of bourgeois control.

Nothing short of a dictatorship of the
Socialist proletariat as the forerunner of
industrial democracy, should become the'
note in American Socialist policy. Then
will not, be room for any other policy, because peonU
are not in a mood for compromise' with unemSL
ment. economic insecurity and other phases or can"
italist civilization, after supporting a war |
foisted upon them in the name of democr
freedom.

A degraded press, ever since the Bolshe
sumed power fifteen months ago. has been looking
unon the proletarian revolution in Russia with alar?
derision, hatred. With the spirit of revolt imbedding
itself in the hearts (and I hope the heads as well) of
the American masses, press, politicians and - :
refer to Bolshevism as a bogey, a force resolving k-
self into chaos and confusion.

What worse chaos and confusion can be produced
than exists now throughout the world as a result of
capitalist imperialist domination?

The bourgeoisie has nothing to offer the people,
and is powerless before the historic forces of post-
war events. Bourgeois organization of industrv is
cracking. But many are not aware of this at present
Occasionally a London will say words to disarm the
workers about the consciousness of their mig
did. not so long ago in the House of Representatives.
when he referred to the proletarian revolution as an
impossibility in the United States.

But before us looms the wrath of the millions!

And we hail the wrath of the millions I

The growing wrath of the people indicates
awakening from the slumbering stupor of capitalist
democracy. And this wrath, that must become self-
disciplined and intelligently expressed, shall ■
energy in building- order out of chaos, s bushing
real^ world peace, creating a Soviet republic, and or-
ganizing a league of free working class nal

Pamphlets and Books of Real In '
THE SOCIAL REVOLUTION IN GERMANY
By Letts C. Fr \ -\ \

V comprehensive study of the revolution, w*
equally a study in the pui

utiouarv Socialism.

-

THE CRISIS IN THE GERMAN SOCIAL-
DEMOCRACY
B\ Karl Liebknecht,Franz Mej
and Ros<\ Luxes

» a splcndi

140 "v, -. 35c .: 1

CHAPTERS FROM MY DIARY
By I.io\ rRUTsm

■
far Socialists

s

REVOLUTIONARY SOCIALISM

By 1 . • ■ \ v

, ' ''" ,;v consirti s

;'" u ' >'^t.il!vn. tin- S

Monism and

v ' i •' prices to locals i

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The Revolutionary Age Book Dep't

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